Colonel William A. Phillips

A big tent party, or catch-all party, is a term used in reference to a political party having members covering a broad spectrum of beliefs.[1] This is in contrast to other kinds of parties, which defend a determined ideology, seek voters who adhere to that ideology, and attempt to convince people towards it.

Examples

Armenia

Following the 2018 Armenian parliamentary election, the My Step Alliance rose to power on an anti-corruption and pro-democracy platform. The alliance has been described as maintaining a big tent ideology, as the alliance did not support any one particular political position. Instead, it focused on strengthening Armenia's civil society and economic development.[2]

Australia

The Liberal Party of Australia and its predecessors originated as an alliance of liberals and conservatives in opposition to the Australian Labor Party, beginning with the Commonwealth Liberal Party in 1909. This ideological distinction has endured to the present day, with the modern Liberal Party frequently described as a "broad church", a term popularised by former leader and Prime Minister John Howard. In this context, "broad church" is largely synonymous with "big tent". In the 21st century, the party is often characterised as having a "small-l liberal" wing and a conservative wing, which frequently come into conflict with each other. The party has historically found strong support primarily from the middle-class, though it has in recent decades appealed to socially conservative working-class voters.[3][4]

Argentina

From its foundation the Justicialist Party has been a Peronist catch-all party, which focuses on the figure of Juan Perón and his wife Eva. Since Nestor Kirchner took the presidency in 2003, the party is considered as part of center-left coalition. It has divided into left-wing and right-wing factions, with left-wing populist Kirchnerists now dominate the party, despite the right-wing faction still exists.

Juntos por el Cambio is an Argentine big tent political coalition. It was created in 2015 as Cambiemos. It is composed of Republican Proposal (centre-right), Civic Coalition ARI (centre) and Radical Civic Union (centre), with common goals to oppose Peronist parties. It is considered as part of center-right coalition.

Bangladesh

In Bangladesh Awami League's Grand Alliance (Bangladesh) and BNP's 20 Party Alliance forms coalition with a wide range of parties, thus being catch all parties.[5]

Brazil

In Brazil, the Centrão (lit.'big centre') is a term for a large bloc of political parties that do not have a specific or consistent ideological orientation and whose aim is to maintain proximity to the executive branch in order to guarantee advantages and allow them to distribute privileges through clientelistic networks.[6] The Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) is one of the oldest and most notable "Centrão" and Big Tent parties in Brazil; despite being Brazil's largest party, both in number of members and number of officials elected, it has never elected a President, but has used its position as the largest party as a "bargaining chip" for privileges and advantages.[7] MDB was founded in 1965 at the start of the Brazilian military dictatorship as part of an enforced two-party system by the dictatorship, in which the only allowed parties were National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA), a catch-all party representing the interests of the dictatorship, and MDB, formed to represent a wide-range moderate and less radical opposition to the dictatorship, without a clear program except the democratization of the country.[8] Other Big Tent centrão parties include the Republicans (REP), Progressists (PP), Liberal Party (PL), Brazilian Labour Party (PTB), We Can (PODE), Brazil Union (UB), Social Democratic Party (PSD), Social Christian Party (PSC), Act (AGIR), Patriot (PATRI), Forward (AVANTE), Solidarity (SD) and Republican Party of the Social Order (PROS).[9]

Canada

At the federal level, Canada has been dominated by two big tent parties practicing "brokerage politics."[a][12][13][14] Both the Liberal Party of Canada and the Conservative Party of Canada (and its predecessors) have attracted support from a broad spectrum of voters.[15][16][17] Although parties such as the Quebec nationalist Bloc Québécois have elected members to the House of Commons, far-right and far-left parties have never gained a prominent force in Canadian society and have never formed a government in the Canadian Parliament.[18][19][10]

Colombia

In Colombia, the presumed League of Anti-Corruption Governors, led by the former presidential candidate, sometimes referred to as "the Colombian Trump", has been described as a "catch-all party",[20] although analysts agree that it belongs to a more or less authoritarian right-wing. That is to say to a type of extreme right.[21][22]

Finland

The centre-right National Coalition Party has been described as catch-all party supporting the interests of the urban middle classes.[23]

France

The Renaissance party (formerly La République En Marche!) founded by President Emmanuel Macron has been described as a centrist party with a catch-all nature.[24]

Germany

Both the Christian Democratic Union of Germany/Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) are considered big tent or catch-all parties, known in German as Volksparteien ("people's parties").[25]

India

The Bharatiya Janata Party which is the ruling party of India since 2014 has made a successful coalition of diverse Indian communities of all caste, class and gender denominations. The Indian National Congress attracted support from Indians of all classes, castes and religions supportive of the Indian independence movement.[26] The Janata Party which came into power in India in 1977, was a catch-all party that consisted of people with different ideologies opposed to The Emergency.[27]

Ireland

Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil are considered catch-all parties and are supported by people from different social classes and political ideologies.[28] The two parties are usually described as being very similar in their current and recent policies, both being positioned on the centre-right with a liberal-conservative ideology. The reasons for their remaining separate are mainly historical, with those who supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty in the 1920s eventually becoming Fine Gael and those who opposed the treaty having joined Fianna Fáil to seek an independent Ireland.

Italy

In Italy, the Five Star Movement, founded and formerly led by the comedian and actor Beppe Grillo, has been described as a catch-all protest party and "post-ideological big tent" because its supporters do not share similar policy preferences, are split on major economic and social issues and are united largely based on "anti-establishment" sentiments.[29] The Five Star Movement's "successful campaign formula combined anti-establishment sentiments with an economic and political protest which extends beyond the boundaries of traditional political orientations", but its "'catch-all' formula" has limited its ability to become "a mature, functional, effective and coherent contender for government".[29] The Northern League attracted voters in its early years from all of the political spectrum. Forza Italia, on the centre-right, and the Democratic Party, on the centre-left, are considered to be catch-all parties and were mergers of political parties with numerous ideological backgrounds.[citation needed]

Japan

Historically, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) had been formed as a big-tent party uniting groups ranging from Keynesian centrists to nationalist neoliberals. The party developed an intricate factional system to maintain co-operation and to ensure hegemonic success in elections. However, the party has seen some former factions defect or die out since the 1990s, especially the more moderate ones, which has led the party to shift overall towards the right.

The New Frontier Party, which existed from 1994 to 1997, was considered a big political party because it was created to oppose the LDP by people of various ideologies, including social democrats, liberals, neoliberals, Buddhist democrats, and conservatives.[30]

The former main centre-left opposition, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), was Japan's version of third way politics and served since the mid-1990s as a ‘big tent party’ for a plethora of heterogeneous groups ranging from two socialist parties to liberal and conservative groups.[31]

Mexico

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) held power in Mexico for 71 uninterrupted years, from 1929 to 2000. It was founded after the Mexican Revolution by Mexican President Plutarco Elías Calles. Then known as the National Revolutionary Party, it was founded with the intent of providing a political space to allow all surviving leaders and combatants of the Mexican Revolution to participate and to resolve the grave political crisis that had been caused by the assassination of President-elect Álvaro Obregón in 1928. Throughout its nine-decade existence, the PRI has adopted a very wide array of ideologies, which have often been determined by the President of the Republic in office at the time. The party nationalized the petroleum industry in 1938 and the banking industry in 1982. In the 1980s, the party went through reforms that shaped its current incarnation, with policies characterized as centre-right, such as the privatization of state-run companies, closer relations with the Catholic Church, and embracing free-market capitalism and neoliberal policies.[32][33][34]

The National Regeneration Movement, founded by Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has often been described as a big-tent party because of the various constituents who joined its ranks during the 2018 Mexican general elections.[35][36] Juntos Hacemos Historia is a big-tent alliance led by the National Regeneration Movement that contested the 2021 Mexican legislative election.[37]

Portugal

The centre-left Socialist Party (PS) and centre-right Social Democratic Party (PSD) have been described as catch-all parties.[38]

Romania

Romania's Social Democratic Party has been referred to as a catch-all party. Political analyst Radu Magdin described it in December 2016 as having conservative values, while being economically liberal, and espousing left-leaning rhetoric on public policies.[39]

Spain

Citizens (Spanish: Ciudadanos) has been considered as an example of astroturfing in the Spanish media since 2015. Originally founded as a social-democratic regional party opposed to Catalan nationalism, the party switched to a catch-all message to attract votes from the right to the moderate left in the party's appearance in the national political landscape. Its stance includes a mix of liberalism and pro-Europeanism, but the party has also embraced populist views on the legitimacy of its political opponents; conservative views on topics such as the criminal system and personal property and Spanish nationalist positions; and many problems by its own leader, Inés Arrimadas. It has become one of the most recognisable catch-all parties in the history of the country. In the mid-2010s, however, the party's main ideology is perceived to have drifted towards the right, with Albert Rivera admitting that it would not agree to form a coalition with the two main centre-left and left parties after the April 2019 Spanish general election, regardless of the results.[40][41][42] Furthermore, some commentators argue that Ciudadanos was attempting to supplant the People's Party, which suffered massive losses as the hegemonic party of the right and thus contributed to the shift in Ciudadanos to the right. Similarly, Ciudadanos has allied with both the conservative People's Party and the far-right Vox to achieve coalitions in regional parliaments. That has given rise to the expression "the three rights" to describe the grouping, which defines its opposition as "the left".

South Africa

The African National Congress (ANC) has been the governing party of South Africa since the country's first democratic election, in 1994, and it has been described by the media as a "big tent" party.[43][44][45][46] An important aspect of its electoral success has been its ability to include a diverse range of political groups most notably in the form of the Tripartite Alliance between the ANC; the South African Communist Party; and the country's largest trade union, COSATU.[44] Additional interest groups in the party are members of the business community and traditional leaders.

United Kingdom

When Gordon Brown became the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in 2007, he invited several members from outside the Labour Party into his government. They included former CBI Director-General Digby Jones who became a Minister of State and former Liberal Democrats leader Paddy Ashdown who was offered the position of Northern Ireland Secretary (Ashdown turned down the offer).[47][48] The media often referred to Brown's ministry as "a government of all the talents" or simply "Brown's big tent".[49]

In Scotland, the Scottish National Party is possibly the longest-established big-tent party in the UK, with the goal of seeking Scottish independence by those that support various other political ideologies and from various political positions. Since 2007, the SNP have been the largest single party in the Scottish Parliament and has formed the Scottish government continuously since the 2007 Scottish general election.

All for Unity was a big tent anti-SNP electoral alliance that contested the 2021 Scottish Parliament election but failed to win any seats.[50]

United States

The Democratic Party was a "big-tent" party during the New Deal coalition, which was formed to support President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal policies from the 1930s to the 1960s.[51] The coalition brought together labor unions, working-class voters, farm organizations, liberals, Southern Democrats, African Americans, urban voters, and immigrants.[52][53]

After the 1974 Dallas Accord, the Libertarian Party embraced the big-tent idea to the extent it ensured that the anarcho-capitalist views would not be excluded from the majority minarchist party.[54]

Other examples

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Brokerage politics: "A Canadian term for successful big tent parties that embody a pluralistic catch-all approach to appeal to the median Canadian voter... adopting centrist policies and electoral coalitions to satisfy the short-term preferences of a majority of electors who are not located on the ideological fringe."[10][11]

References

  1. ^ "Definition of "big tent" in English". oxforddictionaries.com. Oxford English Dictionary. Archived from the original on December 13, 2019. Retrieved May 2, 2017.
  2. ^ "Armenian snap elections seen as the final chapter of the Velvet Revolution". Europe Elects. December 4, 2018. Retrieved October 25, 2019.
  3. ^ "Divergent views vital to Howard's broad church". Sydney Morning Herald. March 22, 2005.
  4. ^ "Can the Liberal Party hold its 'broad church' of liberals and conservatives together?". The Conversation. April 10, 2018.
  5. ^ "OP-ED: How the house of cards came crashing down". April 8, 2021.
  6. ^ "Centrão vive quarta encarnação, agora restrito ao fisiologismo". O Globo (in Brazilian Portuguese). July 29, 2018.
  7. ^ Benites, Talita Bedinelli, Afonso (December 19, 2017). "PMDB volta a se chamar MDB: retorno ao passado para aplacar crise de imagem". El País Brasil (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved September 24, 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  8. ^ Deak, Andre (November 12, 2014). "Partidos políticos". Memórias da ditadura (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved September 24, 2022.
  9. ^ "O que é o poderoso centrão, que pode definir o sucessor de Cunha". BBC News Brasil (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved September 24, 2022.
  10. ^ a b Marland, Alex; Giasson, Thierry; Lees-Marshment, Jennifer (2012). Political Marketing in Canada. UBC Press. p. 257. ISBN 978-0-7748-2231-2.
  11. ^ John Courtney; David Smith (2010). The Oxford Handbook of Canadian Politics. OUP USA. p. 195. ISBN 978-0-19-533535-4.
  12. ^ Brooks, Stephen (2004). Canadian Democracy: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-0-19-541806-4. two historically dominant political parties have avoided ideological appeals in favour of a flexible centrist style of politics that is often labelled "brokerage politics"
  13. ^ Johnson, David (2016). Thinking Government: Public Administration and Politics in Canada, Fourth Edition. University of Toronto Press. pp. 13–23. ISBN 978-1-4426-3521-0. ...most Canadian governments, especially at the federal level, have taken a moderate, centrist approach to decision making, seeking to balance growth, stability, and governmental efficiency and economy...
  14. ^ Baumer, Donald C.; Gold, Howard J. (2015). Parties, Polarization and Democracy in the United States. Taylor & Francis. p. 152. ISBN 978-1-317-25478-2.
  15. ^ Smith, Miriam (2014). Group Politics and Social Movements in Canada: Second Edition. University of Toronto Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-4426-0695-1. Canada's party system has long been described as a "brokerage system" in which the leading parties (Liberal and Conservative) follow strategies that appeal across major social cleavages in an effort to defuse potential tensions.
  16. ^ Elections Canada (2018). "Plurality-Majority Electoral Systems: A Review". Elections Canada. First Past the Post in Canada has favoured broadly-based, accommodative, centrist parties...
  17. ^ Andrea Olive (2015). The Canadian Environment in Political Context. University of Toronto Press. pp. 55–60. ISBN 978-1-4426-0871-9.
  18. ^ Ambrose, Emma; Mudde, Cas (2015). "Canadian Multiculturalism and the Absence of the Far Right". Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. 21 (2): 213–236. doi:10.1080/13537113.2015.1032033. S2CID 145773856.
  19. ^ Taub, Amanda (2017). "Canada's Secret to Resisting the West's Populist Wave". The New York Times.
  20. ^ "Elecciones presidenciales en Colombia: la hora de la esperanza". Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social - UNLP. May 31, 2022. Retrieved May 13, 2023.
  21. ^ "La Justicia obliga a Rodolfo Hernández a debatir con Gustavo Petro ante el balotaje en Colombia" (in Spanish). June 15, 2022. Retrieved June 29, 2023.
  22. ^ Schneider, Aaron. "Colombia's Hernandez is offering a passive revolution from above". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved June 30, 2023.
  23. ^ Karvonen, Lauri (2014). Parties, Governments and Voters in Finland: Politics Under Fundamental Societal Transformation. ECPR Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-910259-33-7.
  24. ^ Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot (2017). "The French Parti Socialiste (2010–16): from office to crisis". In Rob Manwaring; Paul Kennedy (eds.). Why the Left Loses: The Decline of the Centre-Left in Comparative Perspective. Policy Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-4473-3269-5.
  25. ^ Hertner, Isabelle; Sloam, James (2014). "The Europeanisation of the German Party System". In Erol Külahci (ed.). Europeanisation and Party Politics: How the EU affects Domestic Actors, Patterns and Systems. ECPR Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-907301-84-1.
  26. ^ Meyer, Karl Ernest; Brysac, Shareen Blair (2012). Pax Ethnica: Where and How Diversity Succeeds. PublicAffairs. pp. 64–. ISBN 9781610390484. Retrieved April 7, 2016.
  27. ^ "Political Parties - NCERT" (PDF). National Council of Educational Research and Training. Retrieved May 8, 2021.
  28. ^ Weeks, Liam (2018). "Parties and the party system". In John Coakley; Michael Gallagher (eds.). Politics in the Republic of Ireland: Sixth Edition. Taylor & Francis. p. 156. ISBN 978-1-317-31269-7.
  29. ^ a b Valentina Romei, Five Star Movement: the protest party explained in charts: Direct democracy and rejection of binary politics brings success but stunts maturity, Financial Times (January 10, 2017).
  30. ^ Ronald J. Hrebenar; Akira Nakamura, eds. (2014). Party Politics in Japan: Political Chaos and Stalemate in the 21st Century. Routledge. p. 81. ISBN 9781317745976. The initial period of party system change found its first culmination in 1996 when a new catch-all party, the Shinshinto (New Frontier Party), got founded by Ozawa and others.
  31. ^ Spremberg, Felix (November 25, 2020). "How Japan's Left is repeating its unfortunate history". International Politics & Society Journal. Retrieved November 19, 2021. The former main centre-left opposition, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), was Japan's version of third way politics and served since the mid-1990s as a 'big tent party' for a plethora of heterogeneous groups ranging from two socialist parties to liberal and conservative groups.
  32. ^ "Meade, the King of the Mexican Sandwich". El Universal. January 11, 2018.
  33. ^ Russell, James W. (2009). Class and Race Formation in North America. University of Toronto Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-8020-9678-4.
  34. ^ Kopstein, Jeffrey; Lichbach, Mark; Hanson, Stephen E. (July 21, 2014). Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and Institutions in a Changing Global Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139991384. Retrieved April 6, 2018.
  35. ^ Schettino, Macario (June 6, 2018). "Mexico 2018: How AMLO Took a Page from the PRI Playbook". Americas Quarterly. Archived from the original on June 7, 2019. Retrieved September 18, 2018. Morena's star has risen so quickly because it offers refuge to such a wide range of beliefs and ideologies. The party has room for old guard supporters of Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro, young leftist academics, former PRI leaders, evangelical Christians, actors, athletes, and even the odd business tycoon or two. In this way the party resembles the big tent of the PRI, which more than a guiding philosophy was guided by the administration of political power.
  36. ^ Graham, Dave (March 20, 2018). "Mexican leftist's 'big tent' pitch puts presidency in sight". Reuters. Retrieved September 18, 2018. In a few months, he has assembled a coalition stretching from socially conservative Christian evangelicals to admirers of socialist Venezuela and business tycoons, each with contrasting visions for Mexico. Dozens of lawmakers from across the political spectrum have switched sides to join Lopez Obrador's National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), a party that is not yet four years old.
  37. ^ "Morena, PT y PVEM presentan alianza 'Juntos hacemos historia' para elecciones de 2021". El Financiero (in Spanish). December 24, 2020. Retrieved February 22, 2021.
  38. ^ Lisi, Marco; Freire, André (2014). "The selection of political party leaders in Portugal". In Jean-Benoit Pilet; William Cross (eds.). The Selection of Political Party Leaders in Contemporary Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Study. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-317-92945-1.
  39. ^ Păun, Carmen (December 13, 2016). "Pragmatism is a winner for Romanian Left". Politico. Retrieved May 20, 2023.
  40. ^ "¿Ciudadanos es de izquierdas o de derechas?" (in Spanish). May 15, 2015. Retrieved April 25, 2019.
  41. ^ "Albert Rivera: "No vamos a pactar con el PSOE ni con Sánchez, les echaremos y punto"" (in European Spanish). March 3, 2019. Retrieved April 25, 2019.
  42. ^ Orriols, Lluís. "¿Se va Ciudadanos a la derecha? Sí, pero quizás no tanto" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on April 25, 2019. Retrieved April 25, 2019.
  43. ^ Grootes, Stephen (May 5, 2019). "2019 Elections - ANALYSIS: Curiouser and Curiouser – the strange case of the 2019 elections". Daily Maverick. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  44. ^ a b Campbell, John (July 18, 2017). "A Political Opening in South Africa". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  45. ^ Shoki, William (April 2019). "South Africa's Third Way revival". africasacountry.com. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  46. ^ Herskovitz, Jon (September 15, 2010). "ANC stability shakes SA's economic future". The M&G Online. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  47. ^ "In full: Brown's government". BBC News. June 29, 2007.
  48. ^ "The fallout from Brown's job offer". BBC News. June 21, 2007.
  49. ^ "First 100 days: Gordon Brown". BBC News. October 5, 2007.
  50. ^ Andrews, Kieran; Wade, Mike. "Galloway's bid to form united front to save Union shunned". The Times. ISSN 0140-0460. Retrieved March 28, 2021.
  51. ^ David C. King, "The Polarization of American Parties and Mistrust of Government" in Why People Don't Trust Government (eds. Joseph S. Nye, Philip Zelikow, David C. King: Harvard University Press, 1997).
  52. ^ Lisa Young, Feminists and Party Politics (University of Michigan Press, 2000), p. 84.
  53. ^ Holly M. Allen, "New Deal Coalition" in Class in America: An Encyclopedia (Vol. 2: H-P), ed. Robert E. Weir (ABC-CLIO, 2007), p. 571: "During the 1930s liberals, labor unions, white ethnics, African Americans, farm groups, and Southern whites united to form the New Deal coalition. Though never formally organized, the coalition was sufficiently cohesive to make the Democratic Party the majority party from 1931 into the 1980s. Democrats won seven out of nine presidential contests and maintained majorities in both houses of Congress from 1932 to 1964. The divisiveness of the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War, the increasing segmentation of the labor force, and waning influence of unions, and the relative weakness of Democratic Party leadership are among the factors that led to the coalition's erosion in the late 1960s."
  54. ^ Paul Gottfried, The conservative movement: Social movements past and present , Twayne Publishers, 1993, p. 46.
  55. ^ a b Sarah Elise Wiliarty (August 16, 2010). The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party. Cambridge University Press. pp. 218–221. ISBN 978-1-139-49116-7.
  56. ^ Gallas, Daniel (March 29, 2016). "Dilma Rousseff and Brazil face up to decisive month". BBC News. Retrieved August 27, 2017.
  57. ^ Newell, James L. (January 28, 2010). The Politics of Italy: Governance in a Normal Country. Cambridge University Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-521-84070-5.
  58. ^ a b Hertner, Isabelle; Sloam, James (2014). "The Europeanisation of the German Party System". In Erol Külahci (ed.). Europeanisation and Party Politics: How the EU affects Domestic Actors, Patterns and Systems. ECPR Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-907301-84-1.
  59. ^ Jane L. Curry (2011). "Poland: The Politics of "God's Playground"". In Sharon L. Wolchik; Jane L. Curry (eds.). Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-7425-6734-4.
  60. ^ Maguire, Maria (1986). "Ireland". In Peter Flora (ed.). Growth to Limits: Germany, United Kingdom, Ireland, Italy. Walter de Gruyter. p. 333. ISBN 978-3-11-011131-6.
  61. ^ O'Malley, Eoin (2011). Contemporary Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-230-34382-5.[permanent dead link]
  62. ^ Ditrych, Ondrej (July 2013). "The Georgian succession" (PDF). European Union Institute for Security Studies. p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 February 2016. ...GD as a catch-all movement...
  63. ^ Barrington, Lowell (2009). Comparative Politics: Structures and Choices. Cengage Learning. p. 379. ISBN 978-0-618-49319-7.
  64. ^ Mohammadighalehtaki, Ariabarzan (2012). Organisational Change in Political Parties in Iran after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. With Special Reference to the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) and the Islamic Iran Participation Front Party (Mosharekat) (Ph.D. thesis). Durham University. p. 176.
  65. ^ Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot (2017). "The French Parti Socialiste (2010–16): from office to crisis". In Rob Manwaring; Paul Kennedy (eds.). Why the Left Loses: The Decline of the Centre-Left in Comparative Perspective. Policy Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-4473-3269-5.
  66. ^ "Législatives : "Le parti d'Emmanuel Macron a un caractère attrape-tout"". Les Inrocks.
  67. ^ Glenn D. Hook; Gilson, Julie; Christopher W. Hughes; Dobson, Hugo (2001). Japan's International Relations: Politics, Economics and Security. Routledge. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-134-32806-2.
  68. ^ Karvonen, Lauri (2014). Parties, Governments and Voters in Finland: Politics Under Fundamental Societal Transformation. ECPR Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-910259-33-7.
  69. ^ "MORENA (National Regeneration Movement)". January 21, 2018.
  70. ^ O'Kane, David; Hepner, Tricia (2011), Biopolitics, Militarism, and Development: Eritrea in the Twenty-First Century, Berghahn Books, p. xx, ISBN 978-0-85745-399-0, retrieved January 15, 2011
  71. ^ Cross, William (2015). "Party Membership in Quebec". In Emilie van Haute; Anika Gauja (eds.). Party Members and Activists. Routledge. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-317-52432-8.
  72. ^ Iskandaryan, Alexander (May 23, 2012). "Armenian Elections: Technology vs. Ideology" (PDF). Caucasus Analytical Digest. ETH Zurich: 3. Both major parties in the Armenian parliament [Republican Party and Prosperous Armenia] represent elite groups. With almost no ideology to speak of, they are catch-all parties, a phenomenon becoming typical in the modern world.
  73. ^ David Torrance, "Scotland's Progressive Dilemma," The Political Quarterly, 88 (2017): 52–59. doi:10.1111/1467-923X.12319.
  74. ^ Carrell, Severin (April 25, 2011). "Alex Salmond's big tent bulges as Tommy Sheridan lends voteless support". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved April 26, 2020.
  75. ^ "Serbian Compliance Patterns towards EU Integration under the Progressive Party: An Exercise in Statecraft" (PDF). Retrieved December 13, 2018.
  76. ^ Stojić, Marko (2017). Party Responses to the EU in the Western Balkans: Transformation, Opposition or Defiance?. Springer. p. 135.
  77. ^ a b Lisi, Marco; Freire, André (2014). "The selection of political party leaders in Portugal". In Jean-Benoit Pilet; William Cross (eds.). The Selection of Political Party Leaders in Contemporary Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Study. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-317-92945-1.
  78. ^ Gallagher, Tom; Allan M. Williams (1989). "Southern European socialism in the 1990s". In Tom Gallagher; Allan M. Williams (eds.). Southern European Socialism: Parties, Elections, and the Challenge of Government. Manchester University Press. p. 271. ISBN 978-0-7190-2500-6.
  79. ^ Pallaver, Günther (2008). "South Tyrol's Consociational Democracy: Between Political Claim and Social Reality". In Jens Woelk; Francesco Palermo; Joseph Marko (eds.). Tolerance Through Law: Self Governance and Group Rights In South Tyrol. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 305, 309. ISBN 978-90-04-16302-7.
  80. ^ Lublin, David (2014). Minority Rules: Electoral Systems, Decentralization, and Ethnoregional Party Success. Oxford University Press. p. 229. ISBN 978-0-19-994884-0.
  81. ^ a b "Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes): "We are all in, we've reached the end of the line"". Ara. July 21, 2015.
  82. ^ Sventlana S. Bodrunova; Anna A. Litvinenko (2013). "New media and political protest: the formation of a public counter-sphere in Russia, 2008–2012". In Andrey Makarychev; Andre Mommen (eds.). Russia's Changing Economic and Political Regimes: The Putin Years and Afterwards. Routledge. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-135-00695-2.